When one refers to the Constitution of India, it is impossible not to recall and salute with adulation the outstanding contributions of BR Ambedkar. His concluding speech just before the formal acceptance of the newly-prepared draft Constitution on 26th November, 1949, in itself is a historic document for its comprehension and futuristic vision. In the contemporary context, it is relevant to recall how he had expressed his apprehensions, particularly about those who would try their best to sabotage what ‘We the people’ were giving to ourselves on 26th January, 1950. The communists and ‘those who think alike’ and consistently shout hoarse as being the sole protectors of the weaker sections, never hesitate to sabotage democratic functioning and, to achieve their sinister designs, are ready to sacrifice national interests:
“The condemnation of the Constitution largely comes from two quarters, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. Why do they condemn the Constitution? Is it because it is really a bad Constitution? I venture to say ‘no’. The Communist Party want a Constitution based upon the principle of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. They condemn the Constitution because it is based upon parliamentary democracy. The socialists want two things. The first thing they want is that if they come in power, the Constitution must give them the freedom to nationalise or socialise all private property without payment of compensation. The second thing that the socialists want is that the Fundamental Rights mentioned in the Constitution must be absolute and without any limitations so that if their party fails to come into power, they would have the unfettered freedom not merely to criticize, but also to overthrow the State.”
While the communist parties have transitioned to innumerable factions, the socialists have not lagged behind. Together, they have just confirmed what Ambedkar had anticipated based on his in-depth understanding and vision. He knew that these two would not hesitate to come together whenever they smell a chance to damage the cause espoused in the Constitution. Who can forgive the communists for what they did in 1942, during the Chinese invasion of 1962, to recall only two of the umpteen instances? Communists and other Leftists fully exploited the weakness of the Congress when the minority Government of Indira Gandhi had to seek their support for survival. They had their plan ready: Prepare people and towards that, bargain for control over institutions and use education to propagate their ideology. Further, various institutions were most suited strategically to sabotage the ancient culture and history of India and Indians. Jawaharlal Nehru University is one amongst many that exemplify the success of the Left strategy. With their hegemony at stake, the Leftists are restless and are targeting the young to play their game.
JNU is, without any doubt, a pampered institution in a country that still runs substantial numbers of its schools without teachers and blackboards, and with schools where drinking water and functional toilets are still a luxury. How could some young persons be allowed to stay in hostels for decades together and indulge in active party politics while other coming from far-off places are forced to rent rooms outside? This is what was responsible for the orchestrated strike at the Film and Television Institute of India in Pune. Is it not an amazing situation, if not amusing in a manner, that those who shout slogans against their own country, celebrate every year Afzal Guru as a martyr, or rejoice on the massacre of 73 CRPF jawans in Chhattisgarh, have the cheek to complain of ‘growing intolerance’. They complain that the constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression is being throttled!
Here is an institution staffed with persons who are distressed that India has ‘illegally’ kept Jammu & Kashmir under its occupation. Move outside JNU: A former judge of the Supreme Court of India speaks in a public gathering in Kolkata and finds fault with the judgement of his brother judges in the case of Afzal Guru. A former Home Affairs Minister, too, expresses grave reservations on how justice was ‘not delivered’ in Afzal Guru case. Which other country would permit the organisation of ‘cultural evenings’ that celebrate the martyrdom of attackers on its Parliament, on Mumbai, and killers of hundreds of innocent people?
Whatever excuses may be offered, mostly as afterthought, they cut no ice with the people who had overthrown a lethargic, corrupt and thoroughly incompetent Government at the centre and installed an alternative government with full majority in May 2014. They are waiting for the new regime to deliver on the poll promises. They expect the Opposition to respect their verdict and let the incumbent Government function without being heckled at every step by frustrated out-of-power politicians, who find only a bleak future ahead of them. Those who never allowed the minorities (read Muslims) to progress for six decades and unabashedly used them as vote-banks, are now making attempts to endear themselves to the community on the plank of ‘Narendra Modi’s intolerance towards minorities’. Ambedkar had warned the nation on this count too:
“My mind is so full of the future of our country that I feel I ought to take this occasion to give expression to some of my reflections thereon. On January 26, 1950, India will be an independent country (cheers). What would happen to her independence? Will she maintain her independence or will she lose it again? This is the first thought that comes to my mind. It is not that India was never an independent country. The point is that she once lost the independence she had. Will she lose it a second time? It is this thought which makes me most anxious for the future. What perturbs me greatly is the fact that not only India has once before lost her independence, but she lost it by the infidelity and treachery of some of her own people.
In the invasion of Sind by Mohammed-bin-Qasim, the military commanders of King Dahar accepted bribes from the agents of Mohammed-bin-Qasim and refused to fight on the side of their king. It was Jaichand who invited Mohammed Gori to invade India and fight against Prithviraj and promised him the help of himself and the Solanki kings. When Shivaji was fighting for the liberation of Hindus, the other Maratha noblemen and the Rajput Kings were fighting the battle on the side of Mughal emperors. When the British were trying to destroy the Sikh rulers, Gulab Singh, the principal commander of the Sikhs, sat silent and did not help to save the Sikh kingdom.”
These words, and warnings, could serve as the beacon light for the young of India to serve their Motherland and thus express their gratitude to the great man who loved India and Indians.